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Liberalism, founded on the ideal of an abstract social individualism, profited the most. Economic freedom accelerated the concentration of industrial enterprises, transforming the material conditions of social life, but at the same time altering the structure of traditional popular classes: how many artisans, working their way up in industry, were reduced by capitalist concentration to the rank of proletarians? The peasantry were split up, in the end. The abolition of the ecclesiastical tithe and real feudal rights profited only the landowning peasants; farmworkers and sharecroppers gained only from the abolition of serfdom and personal feudal rights.
The national lands were sold in such a way that peasant property was increased to the advantage of those who already owned land: the laboureurs, or big farmers from the regions with large areas of cultivation. In the Nord department from to , their share of the land rose from 30 to 42 per cent that of the bourgeoisie rose from 16 to 28 per cent, while the percentage held by the nobility decreased from 22 per cent to 12 per cent, that of the clergy from 20 per cent to 0.
From that time on, a powerful minority of proprietary peasants, attached to the new order, rallied around the bourgeoisie in its conservative proposals. In this way is the social work of the French Revolution measured in the countryside, an accomplishment further clarified by comparative study. While the French peasant increased his share of the land, the English peasant, freed from serfdom and feudal obligations from the beginning of modern times, was expropriated in the course of the vast movement of regrouping and enclosure of lands, and was reduced to the ranks of a wageearning day laborer — free, certainly — but without land.
Serfdom was not abolished until in Prussia, in Bohemia and Hungary, and in Russia. And the liberated peasant did not receive any land; the aristocracy maintained its landed privilege until the revolutions of the twentieth century. But it was not in the power of a single man, no matter how brilliant, to change the characteristics of the new society that had already been clearly sketched. The actions of the First Consul, then the Emperor, whatever his evolution may have been, essentially belonged to the line of the revolutionary heritage.
The desire for order on the part of both old and new property owners facilitated the stabilization efforts of the Consulate.
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In , the Charter allowed them to believe that they would see themselves in power: the aristocratic reaction, once again, contested their claim. In this sense, the Restoration represents the epilogue of the drama. The Revolution in did not really end until when, having brought a king to power who accepted their principles, the bourgeoisie took definitive possession of France. By abolishing serfdom, by freeing the peasants of seigniorial fees and ecclesiastical tithes, by putting in circulation the wealth of mainmorte, the French conquest cleared the path for the development of capitalism.
With the passage of time, it appeared both as the daughter of reason and the daughter of enthusiasm. Its memory evoked a powerful emotion, the storming of the Bastille remaining the symbol of popular insurrection and La Marseillaise the battle song for liberty and independence. In this sense, the French Revolution indeed has mythical value, in the sense Georges Sorel intended: it seduced the imagination and the heart; announcer of better times, it incited people to action. Beyond this revolutionary romanticism, its ideological attraction was no less powerful; the French Revolution affirms itself as an immense effort to set society on a rational foundation.
The French Revolution is consequently situated in the very heart of the history of the contemporary world, at the crossroads of the diverse social and political currents that divided nations and still divides them. A classical bourgeois revolution, it represented — by the uncompromising abolition of feudalism and the seigniorial regime — the starting point for capitalist society and a liberal representative system in the history of France.
Download PDF La Révolution française et le Régime féodal (French Edition)
A peasant and popular revolution, it tried twice to go beyond its bourgeois limits: in year II an attempt that, despite the inevitable failure, still served for a long time as a prophetic example; and, at the time of the Conspiracy for Equality, an episode that stands at the fertile origin of contemporary revolutionary thought and action. This explains these vain but dangerous efforts to deny the French Revolution its historic reality or its social and national specificity. But this also explains the shaking felt throughout the world and the way the French Revolution still stirs the consciousness of the people of our century.
Thus the French were proud enough of their cause and themselves to believe they could be equal in liberty. I, ed. Lefebvre, p. Capital, vol. III, chap. Sweezy, M. Dobb, H. Takahashi, R. Hilton, C. Hill, London, Lefebvre and A.
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These are problems posed in particular by G. The expression, consecrated by its use, is historically valid; we understand poorly the obscure reasons why certain historians currently are tending to reject it. On the problems of the French nobility in the eighteenth century, we will content ourselves with citing one old article: M. See B. See basically book XXX. Althusser, Montesquieu. We can only refer here to general works: J.
Campagne fabian alejandro, feudalismo tardio y revolucion by Fernando Cancino - Issuu
Borkenau, Der Uebergang vom feudalen zum burgerlichen Weltbild. Studien zur Geschichte der Philosophie der Manufakturperiode, ; see the remarks of L. On the current orientation of research, E. Relazionei, Florence, , vol.
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IV, p. On natural right, an ample bibliography will be found in R. Paris, Natural right was developed in the seventeenth century by Protestant authors, principally jurists — Grotius, Althusius, Hobbes, Pufendorf — certain of whom were then translated and commented on by Barbeyrac et Burlamaqui. The authors of the seventeenth century were criticized by Rousseau who drew the logical consequences from natural right, by formulating the theory of inalienable and indivisible popular sovereignty.
See J. Essential are the works of J. Sieyes, critical edition by Ed. Champion, Paris, , p. Oeuvres de Barnave, published by M. Rude, Paris, In fact, this important text is still awaiting a critical edition.
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But only local or regional monographs would permit the drawing up of a true and complete picture of the partial survival, the vicissitudes and the final disappearance of the feudal regime during the Revolution: let us indicate two classical works, A. Likewise, on the agrarian riots and the jacqueries which, from the Great Fear to the definitive abolition of feudal rights July 17 , marked the revolutionary history of the peasantry, we have only fragmentary local studies at our disposal.
This history remains to be written. On the social aspirations of the popular masses, see A. All the small landowners were, in effect, severely hampered in the exploitation of their lands and endured many constraints that they were not allowed to deliver themselves from. Of what importance was the tithe to one who was not a farmer? What would it be?
On the theoretical aspects of these problems, see M. We must however stress the progress of the economy in the course of the Napoleonic period which was tightly bound to the revolutionary period. See E. Roux Archives nationales, W 20, d. On this problem in its totality, see A. Moniteur, vol. VI, p. Both ended up replacing one king with another, without attacking the social structure in any way.
In July, , it was a matter of a sort of legal insurrection punishing the violation of the Charter. The reason for its success lies in its bold attack upon the Marxist view of the Revolution as characterized by a class struggle between an ascending bourgeoisie and ossified nobility.
loopluxury.com/2573-mobile-instagram.php Lucas shows that by this time privileges that were once perhaps monopolized by the nobility had become shared between the two groups. In short, he finds bourgeois everywhere whose authorities overlapped with noblemen, and whose lifestyle imitated noblemen — indeed, bourgeois who were even confused by contemporaries as noblemen. But such an analysis, however novel and challenging, begs the question of why the Revolution occurred in the first place.
If an embittered bourgeoisie did not cause the Revolution, who did? The fear of being shut out, rather than any kind of revolutionary class consciousness or genuine class difference, is what in the end motivated them to revolt. They were united in simple yet satisfying beliefs.